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Iosraelach Príomh-Aire Benjamin Netanyahu cuairt Poist bualadh Obama

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Úsáidimid do shíniú suas chun ábhar a sholáthar ar bhealaí ar thoiligh tú leo agus chun ár dtuiscint ortsa a fheabhsú. Is féidir leat díliostáil ag am ar bith.

US-Obama-Mideast-Isra_Horo-e1363810183386On 3 March, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with US President Barack Obama in Washington D.C., and also addressed the annual AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) policy conference.

President Obama was said to have used the meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu at the White House on Monday to press him to accept a “framework agreement” for peace talks with the Palestinians being drawn up by Secretary of State John Kerry.

An New York Times reported that Obama will make a similar push when he meets with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas later this month.

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The press reports emerged as Israel and the Palestinians approach the end-of-April deadline to agree to a final peace deal. The deadline was set by Kerry last summer when talks started.

Due to the fitful progress of the talks, officials told An New York Times that the new goal is to announce the framework by the deadline.

Since helping to launch a new round of talks this past July, Kerry has made 11 trips to the region, but US officials told the Irish Times that the White House believes that the time is right for Obama to make a new push.

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“The president wouldn’t want to run any risk that it was the lack of his involvement that would make the difference between success and failure,” one senior official said.

Times Iosrael daily, citing a report in the Arabic-language Palestinian newspaper, Al Quds, reported that President Abbas left a meeting with John Kerry in Paris last week fuming over the latter’s proposals.

Among the issues that reportedly upset Abbas were Kerry’s insistence that the Palestinians recognize Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people, his proposal to establish the capital of a Palestinian state in only one part of East Jerusalem, and leaving the Jordan Valley outside the borders of a future Palestinian state.

What are the key points of Kerry’s framework agreement’likely content ?

The framework will present a US view of how gaps can be closed on the core issues including borders, security, settlements, Jerusalem, refugees and mutual recognition.

The US aims to secure agreement to the framework as a guideline for negotiating a detailed permanent status agreement within a new time frame of up to one year. They hope to launch it before the last scheduled release of Palestinian prisoners at the end of March.

Israel agreed to release, over the course of the nine months, 104 Palestinian prisoners serving long sentences for terror offenses. In return, the Palestinians agreed not to walk away from talks and not to make more unilateral efforts to secure recognition in UN or other international bodies.

The Kerry Plan is a set of principles being drafted by a US State Department team, in dialogue with Israeli and Palestinian negotiators, which aims to provide a framework for on-going negotiations to reach a detailed final status agreement.

The current round of talks is due to expire at the end of April, and the US hope the framework will be the basis for extending the talks for anything up to a year.

According to sources close to the talks, when Kerry launches the framework, the two sides will be expected to publicly accept it as a basis for continuing the process. They will be allowed to express their reservations, but only to specify them in the context of closed door negotiations.

What will be in the framework?

Here is an analysis of the likely framework agreement by BICOM, the London-based British Israel Communications & Research Centre:

The closest existing model for the framework is the Clinton Parameters, presented to both parties by President Clinton in December 2000. It is expected to be a short statement of no more than a few pages, which will outline how each final status issue will be addressed.

Borders: The framework is likely to reflect the Palestinian demand that 1967 borders be the basis for a territorial agreement, but also recognise that major settlement blocks should remain part of Israel under a land swap deal. It is expected to leave open the question of how much land should be exchanged, and exactly which settlement blocks should be retained by Israel.

Slándáil: A central demand of Netanyahu’s is that Israel should maintain a long-term military presence on the West Bank-Jordanian border, whereas President Abbas has said he would accept an Israeli presence only for five years, and then a NATO security force.

The framework is expected to accept Israel’s security concerns, but to frame any Israeli deployment in the context of a broader security regime, and to shorten in principle that deployment as far as possible, without specifying a time period. The US has already presented proposals to minimise the scope and duration of any Israeli deployment by compensating with high tech monitoring solutions, though these proposals have not been warmly received on either side.

In a recent speech at Davos Kerry spoke of the need for “security arrangements for Israel that leave it more secure, not less” but also “a full, phased, final withdrawal of the Israeli army.” Israel also demands that the Palestinian state should be demilitarised, whereas the Palestinians want a state with limited arms.

Settlements: Netanyahu is against forcibly removing settlers and his office has suggestedthey should have a choice to stay within the borders of a future Palestinian under Palestinian rule. There have also been reports of proposals for Israel to lease land on which outlying settlements are located from the Palestinians. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has rejected the idea of any Jewish settlements remaining, arguing that they were built illegally. It remains unclear how the US will bridge these positions, but when Kerry was asked about the fate of settlers by an Israeli interviewer in February, he answered: “I’m not sure [the settler] will have to leave his home.”

Jerusalem: The framework will likely recognize the Palestinian demand to have its capital in East Jerusalem. However, it seems unlikely that it will be as specific as the Clinton Parameters – which proposed sharing the Old City and sovereignty over the ultra-sensitive Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif – since this would be too much for the Israeli government to accept at this stage. However Kerry frames Jerusalem, negotiators will have a complex challenge to reach a formula ideologically acceptable to both sides and practical.

Dídeanaithe: Palestinians want refugees and their descendants to have the right to choose from a series of resettlement and compensation options, similar to the formula outlined in the Clinton Parameters, which includes admission to Israel. Israel is opposed to Palestinians having the “right of return” to Israel’s borders.Whilst the Clinton Parameters outlined the options and allowed Israel to decide how many Palestinians it would admit, it is not clear that Kerry will be quite so specific. In Davos he spoke only about a “just and agreed” resolution to the refugee issue, which is the language used in the Arab Peace Initiative. In any event there will likely be reference to the final agreement bringing an end to all claims. This is an Israeli demand aimed at closing the file on claims relating to the 1948 war, from which the refugee issue stems. There are indications from US officials that compensation for Jewish refugees who fled persecution in Arab countries during the same period will also be addressed.

Mutual recognition and Jewish state: Netanyahu’s most persistent demand is that the Palestinians “recognise the national rights of the Jewish people in the State of Israel”, which many in Israel see as a prerequisite for lasting peace. Recognition of Jewish national rights runs deeply against the Palestinian national narrative, and Abbas has been very resistant. This issue also has implications for the refugee question, since acknowledgment that Israel is the national home of the Jewish people would undermine Palestinian claims to a right of “right of return” to Israel. The framework will likely reflect Netanyahu’s demand in some form. Kerry talked at Davos of “mutual recognition of the nation-state of the Palestinian people and the nation-state of the Jewish people.”

Other issues: The framework will also likely address some other sensitive issues, including the Palestinian demand for the release of all Palestinian prisoners held by Israel.

How are the parties likely to respond?

The US aim is to secure agreement for another fixed period of negotiations up to a year, ideally before the fourth and final scheduled release of Palestinian prisoners at the end of March. The two sides would be allowed to express reservations to the framework, but only to specify them in the context of closed door discussions. Nonetheless, both sides are working hard to move the text as close as possible to their own positions.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has to determine how to manage the presentation of this framework in a way that will not cause the right wing of his coalition to quit, in particular Naftali Bennett’s Jewish Home party and the right wing of his own Likud party. Netanyahu will want to continue the talks with the Palestinians, but likely stress that the framework is an American position, which Israel is not formally accepting, to avoid bringing the issue to a contentious cabinet vote.

President Abbas will have to be able to point to enough substance in the framework to justify extending talks, and to defer any return to unilateral efforts at securing recognition in international bodies. The Palestinian public are divided over whether they support peace talks. Hamas, which controls the Gaza Strip, is firmly against negotiations.

In order to agree to hold off unilateral actions, the Palestinians will likely demand further practical concessions from Israel, as they did in demanding the release of prisoners in return for engaging in talks in July. In particular they are likely to renew demands for a freeze to settlement construction. Meeting such a demand will pose another threat to the stability of Netanyahu’s coalition.

To get each side to sign up, despite the political complications, the US may offer private assurances or incentives. Ultimately, neither side wants to get the blame for collapsing the process, which will provide Kerry with some leverage over both parties.

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Neartóidh eisiúint bannaí glasa ról idirnáisiúnta an euro

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Phléigh airí an Ghrúpa Euro ról idirnáisiúnta an euro (15 Feabhra), tar éis fhoilsiú chumarsáid an Choimisiúin Eorpaigh an (19 Eanáir), ‘Córas eacnamaíoch agus airgeadais na hEorpa: neart agus athléimneacht a chothú’.

Dúirt Uachtarán an Ghrúpa Euro, Paschal Donohoe: “Is í an aidhm ár spleáchas ar airgeadraí eile a laghdú, agus ár n-uathriail a neartú i gcásanna éagsúla. Ag an am céanna, tugann úsáid idirnáisiúnta méadaithe ár n-airgeadra le tuiscint go bhfuil comhbhabhtálacha féideartha ann, a leanfaimid orainn ag déanamh monatóireachta orthu. Le linn na díospóireachta, leag na hairí béim ar acmhainneacht eisiúna bannaí glasa chun úsáid an euro ag na margaí a fheabhsú agus rannchuidigh lenár gcuspóir maidir le haistriú aeráide a bhaint amach. "

Phléigh an Eurogroup an cheist arís agus arís eile le blianta beaga anuas ó Chruinniú Mullaigh Euro Nollaig 2018. Dúirt Klaus Regling, stiúrthóir bainistíochta an tSásra Cobhsaíochta Eorpaigh go raibh rioscaí ag baint le ró-spleáchas ar an dollar, ag tabhairt Meiriceá Laidineach agus géarchéim na hÁise sna 90idí mar shamplaí. Thagair sé go dronuilleach do “eipeasóid níos déanaí” nuair a chiallaigh ceannas an dollar nach bhféadfadh cuideachtaí AE leanúint ag obair leis an Iaráin i bhfianaise smachtbhannaí na SA. Creideann Regling go bhfuil an córas airgeadaíochta idirnáisiúnta ag bogadh go mall i dtreo córais ilpholaraigh ina mbeidh trí nó ceithre airgeadraí tábhachtach, lena n-áirítear an dollar, an euro agus renminbi. 

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D’aontaigh an Coimisinéir Eorpach um Gheilleagar, Paolo Gentiloni, go bhféadfaí ról an euro a neartú trí bhannaí glasa a eisiúint ag feabhsú úsáid an euro ag na margaí agus ag cur lenár gcuspóirí aeráide de chistí AE na Chéad Ghlúine Eile a bhaint amach.

Chomhaontaigh na hAirí go raibh gá le gníomh leathan chun tacú le ról idirnáisiúnta an euro, ag cuimsiú dul chun cinn i measc rudaí eile, an tAontas Eacnamaíoch agus Airgeadaíochta, an tAontas Baincéireachta agus Aontas na Margaí Caipitil chun ról idirnáisiúnta na euro a dhaingniú.

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Tacaíonn cúirt Eorpach um chearta an duine leis an nGearmáin maidir le cás aerstráice Kunduz

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Chomhlíon imscrúdú na Gearmáine ar aerstráice marfach 2009 gar do chathair Kunduz na hAfganastáine a d’ordaigh ceannasaí Gearmánach a oibleagáidí ceart chun beatha, rialaigh Cúirt Eorpach um Chearta an Duine Dé Máirt (16 Feabhra), scríobhann .

Diúltaíonn rialú na cúirte atá bunaithe i Strasbourg do ghearán ó shaoránach Afganach, Abdul Hanan, a chaill beirt mhac san ionsaí, nár chomhlíon an Ghearmáin a hoibleagáid an eachtra a imscrúdú go héifeachtach.

I mí Mheán Fómhair 2009, ghlaoigh ceannasaí na Gearmáine ar thrúpaí NATO i Kunduz i scaird trodaire de chuid na SA dhá thrucail bhreosla a bhualadh gar don chathair a chreid NATO a rinne na ceannaircigh Taliban a fhuadach.

Dúirt rialtas na hAfganastáine ag an am gur maraíodh 99 duine, 30 sibhialtach ina measc. Maraíodh grúpaí cearta neamhspleácha a mheastar a bhí idir 60 agus 70 sibhialtach.

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Chuir dola an bháis iontas ar na Gearmánaigh agus chuir sé iallach ar a aire cosanta éirí as líomhaintí faoi chlúdach líon na dtaismeach sibhialta sa tréimhse roimh thoghchán na Gearmáine 2009.

Fuair ​​ionchúisitheoir ginearálta cónaidhme na Gearmáine nár thabhaigh an ceannasaí dliteanas coiriúil, go príomha toisc go raibh sé cinnte nuair a d’ordaigh sé don aerstráice nach raibh aon sibhialtach i láthair.

Chun go mbeadh sé faoi dhliteanas faoin dlí idirnáisiúnta, chaithfí a fháil gur ghníomhaigh sé le hintinn taismigh iomarcacha sibhialtacha a chur faoi deara.

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Bhreithnigh Cúirt Eorpach um Chearta an Duine éifeachtacht imscrúdú na Gearmáine, lena n-áirítear ar bhunaigh sí údar le húsáid marfach fórsa. Níor bhreithnigh sé dlíthiúlacht an aerstráice.

As 9,600 trúpa NATO san Afganastáin, tá an dara teagmhas is mó ag an nGearmáin taobh thiar de na Stáit Aontaithe.

Iarrann comhaontú síochána 2020 idir an Taliban agus Washington ar trúpaí eachtracha tarraingt siar faoin 1 Bealtaine, ach tá riarachán Uachtarán na Stát Aontaithe Joe Biden ag athbhreithniú an mhargaidh tar éis meath ar staid na slándála san Afganastáin.

Tá an Ghearmáin ag ullmhú chun an sainordú dá misean míleata san Afganastáin a leathnú ón 31 Márta go dtí deireadh na bliana seo, agus leibhéil na trúpaí fágtha ag suas le 1,300, de réir dréachtcháipéis a chonaic Reuters.

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Córais ceartais an AE a dhigitiú: Seolann an Coimisiún comhairliúchán poiblí ar chomhoibriú breithiúnach trasteorann

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An 16 Feabhra, sheol an Coimisiún Eorpach a comhairliúchán poiblí ar nuachóiriú chórais cheartais an AE. Tá sé mar aidhm ag an AE tacú le ballstáit ina n-iarrachtaí a gcórais ceartais a oiriúnú don aois dhigiteach agus feabhas a chur orthu Comhoibriú breithiúnach trasteorann an AE. An Coimisinéir Dlí agus Cirt Didier Reynders (sa phictiúr) Dúirt: “Chuir paindéim COVID-19 béim bhreise ar thábhacht an dhigitithe, lena n-áirítear i réimse an cheartais. Teastaíonn uirlisí digiteacha ó bhreithiúna agus ó dhlíodóirí le go mbeidh siad in ann oibriú le chéile níos tapa agus níos éifeachtaí.

Ag an am céanna, teastaíonn uirlisí ar líne ó shaoránaigh agus ó ghnólachtaí chun rochtain níos éasca agus níos trédhearcaí ar cheartas a fháil ar chostas níos ísle. Déanann an Coimisiún a dhícheall an próiseas seo a bhrú ar aghaidh agus tacú le ballstáit ina n-iarrachtaí, lena n-áirítear maidir lena gcomhar i nósanna imeachta breithiúnacha trasteorann a éascú trí bhealaí digiteacha a úsáid. " I mí na Nollag 2020, ghlac an Coimisiún a cumarsáide ag tabhairt breac-chuntas ar na gníomhartha agus na tionscnaimh atá beartaithe chun digitiú na gcóras ceartais ar fud an AE a chur chun cinn.

Baileoidh an comhairliúchán poiblí tuairimí maidir le nósanna imeachta sibhialta, tráchtála agus coiriúla trasteorann an AE a dhigitiú. Torthaí an chomhairliúcháin phoiblí, inar féidir le raon leathan grúpaí agus daoine aonair páirt a ghlacadh agus atá ar fáil anseo go dtí an 8 Bealtaine 2021, cuirfidh sé le tionscnamh maidir le comharú breithiúnach trasteorann a dhigitiú a bhfuil súil leis ag deireadh na bliana seo mar a fógraíodh sa 2021 Clár Oibre an Choimisiúin.

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