Slí fhada ar #security agus #defence na hEorpa coitianta

| Feabhra 13, 2018

Ar 14-15 Feabhra, cruinníonn Airí Cosanta 2018 NATO sa Bhruiséil arís chun plé a dhéanamh ar na bagairtí is mó atá ag an domhan inniu. Is éard atá i NATO ná ballstáit 29 ach tá 22 acu ag an am céanna ag ballstáit an AE, scríobhann Adomas Abromaitis.

Speaking in general, the decisions taken by NATO are binding on the EU. On the one hand, NATO and the US, as its main financial donor, and Europe very often have different goals. Their interests and even views on the ways to achieve security are not always the same. The more so the differences exist inside the EU either. A European military level of ambitions has grown significantly in recent times. Decision to establish a European Union defence pact, known as a Permanent Structured Cooperation on security and defence (PESCO) at the end of the previous year became a clear indicator of this trend.

It is the first real attempt to form the EU independent defence without reliance on NATO. Though the EU member states actively support the idea of closer European cooperation in security and defence, they do not always agree on the European UnionXCHARXs work in this area. In reality not all the states are ready to spend more on defence even in the framework of NATO, which requires spending at least 2% of their GDP. Thus, according to NATOXCHARXs own figures, only the US (not an EU member state), Great Britain (leaving the EU), Greece, Estonia, Poland and Romania in 2017 met the requirement. So other countries probably would like to strengthen their defence but are not capable or even do not want to pay additional money for a new EU military project.

It should be noted that only those countries that have a great dependence on NATO support and have no chance to protect themselves, spend 2% of their GDP on defence or show readiness to increase spending (Latvia, Lithuania). Such EU member states as France and Germany are ready to XCHARXlead the processXCHARX without increasing in contributions. They have higher level of strategic independence than the Baltic States or other countries of Eastern Europe. For example, French military XCHARX industrial complex is capable of producing all kinds of modern weapons XCHARX from infantry weapons to ballistic missiles, nuclear submarines, aircraft carriers and supersonic aircraft.

Mar sin féin, coinníonn Páras caidreamh taidhleoireachta cobhsaí leis an Meánoirthear agus le hAfraice. Tá dea-cháil ag an bhFrainc freisin ar pháirtnéir atá ag seasamh i gcónaí sa Rúis agus tá sé in ann teanga choiteann a aimsiú le Moscó i gcásanna géarchéime. Tugann sé aird mhór ar leasanna náisiúnta thar a theorainneacha.

Tá sé tábhachtach freisin gur chuir Paris i láthair an phlean is mó a chruthaigh 2020 ar na fórsaí imoibrithe tapa uile-Eorpacha comhtháite go príomha le húsáid in oibríochtaí expeditionary chun síocháin san Afraic a fhorfheidhmiú. Tá pointí 17 ag tionscnamh míleata Uachtarán na Fraince Macron atá dírithe ar oiliúint trúpaí tíortha na hEorpa a fheabhsú, chomh maith le méadú ar ullmhacht chomhrac na bhfórsaí armtha náisiúnta. Ag an am céanna, ní bheidh cuid de na hinstitiúidí atá ann cheana féin mar thionscadal na Fraince ach cuirfear i bhfeidhm iad i gcomhthreo le tionscadail NATO. Tá sé beartaithe ag an bhFrainc go leanúnach "an" tionscadal a chur chun cinn i measc na gcomhghuaillithe eile de chuid an AE.

Níl leasanna ballstáit eile an AE chomh domhanda. Déanann siad a gcuid polaitíochta maidir le slándáil agus cosaint chun cumais an AE a neartú chun iad féin a chosaint agus aird a thabhairt ar a n-easnaimh féin. Ní féidir leo rud ar bith a thairiscint ach beagán trúpaí. Ní théann a gcuid leasanna níos faide ná a dteorainneacha féin agus níl suim acu le hiarrachtaí a scaipeadh, mar shampla tríd an Afraic.

The EU leadership and member states have not yet reached an agreement on the concept of military integration, the start of which was given since the adoption the decision to establish a Permanent Structured Cooperation on security and defence. In particular, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs, Federica Mogherini, proposes a long-term approach to stimulating a closer integration of the European military planning, procurement and deployment, as well as the integration of diplomatic and defence functions.

Tá an t-dul chun cinn mall sin níos compordaí d'oifigigh NATO, a bhfuil an tionscadal réabhlóideach Fraincis ag ailliúint orthu. Sin é an fáth go ndearna an tArd-Rúnaí Stoltenberg rabhadh do chomhghleacaithe na Fraince i gcoinne céimeanna gríosa i dtreo comhtháthú míleata na hEorpa, rud a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ina intinn go ndéanfaí dúbailt gan ghá ar chumais an chomhghuaillíocht agus, is contúirtí, iomaíocht a ghiniúint idir na monaróirí arm tosaigh (an Fhrainc, an Ghearmáin, an Iodáil agus roinnt tíortha Eorpacha eile) agus iad ag ath-threalmhú arm na hEorpa le samhlacha nua-aimseartha chun iad a thabhairt ar an gcaighdeán céanna.

Dá bhrí sin, agus tacú leis an smaoineamh maidir le comhoibriú níos dlúithe i réimse na míleata níl aon straitéis choitianta ag ballstáit an AE. Glacfaidh sé le fada an lá chun teacht ar an gcomhréiteach agus an t-iarmhéid i gcóras láidir cosanta an AE a chruthú, rud a chuirfidh le struchtúr an NATO atá ann faoi láthair agus ní dhéanfaidh sé coimpléasc leis. Ciallaíonn bealach fada le tuairimí coiteann ar feadh na hEorpa go fada le cosaint Eorpach féin.

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Catagóir: Leathanach Tosaigh, Cosaint, EU, NATO, Tuairim