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EU

Is é an bealach chinneann Iosrael chun breithiúna a cheapadh aon cheann de ghnó an AE

ROINN:

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Úsáidimid do shíniú suas chun ábhar a sholáthar ar bhealaí ar thoiligh tú leo agus chun ár dtuiscint ortsa a fheabhsú. Is féidir leat díliostáil ag am ar bith.

 Flickr_-_Government_Press_Office_(GPO)_-_An_aerial_photo_of_the_supreme_court_building

Dr. Emmanuel Navon.This opinion by Dr Emmanuel Navon (sa phictiúr) was published on the website of i24news, a news channel based in Israel.

As Israel’s political parties were negotiating the guidelines of the next government coalition, the Likud party raised the issue of judicial reform with the intention of changing the way Supreme Court judges are appointed. While this is a domestic issue and a legitimate matter of debate in an open society, the European Union expressed concern (according to Israel’s Nuacht Channel 2) about Likud’s proposal.

The EU’s unsolicited opinion about what is strictly a domestic Israeli matter stems from both arrogance and ignorance. From arrogance, because the way Israel decides to appoint its judges is none of the EU’s business. From ignorance, because in most European countries and other western democracies, the executive and legislative branches have more influence over the appointment of judges than in Israel.

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Since Israel lacks a written constitution, the separation of powers between the three branches of government was never clearly delineated. Israel’s Basic Laws outline the powers of the three branches, but since the early 1990s the judicial branch has unilaterally and dramatically expanded its powers by allowing itself to repeal legislation, by turning the legal opinions of the attorney general into instructions which the government must obey, and by granting a de facto veto power to the judiciary over the appointment of Supreme Court judges. As a result, Israel’s judiciary is both overpowered and self-appointed.

In Israel, Supreme Court judges are appointed by a committee composed of three sitting Supreme Court judges, of two representatives of the Israeli Bar Association, of two members of Knesset (one from the opposition and one from the coalition), and of two government ministers (including the Justice Minister). In 2008, the law was amended so as to require the support of all committee members taking part in the vote, minus two. Indeed, a candidate needs the support of seven committee members to be elected. Since the Supreme Court has three representatives on the committee, it has a de facto veto power over the appointment of its new members (especially since the three judges can almost always count on the support of the two representatives from the Bar). On the surface, therefore, the committee is balanced. In effect, Supreme Court judges themselves decide who will join their ranks.

By granting such power to the judiciary over the appointment of Supreme Court judges, Israel is unique among Western democracies. In other Western democracies, the supreme bodies entitled to repeal legislation are appointed by the executive and legislative branches.

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In the United States, Supreme Court judges are appointed by the president, and their appointment must be approved by Congress. In Canada and in Australia, the Prime Minister and the Justice Minister have the final say on the appointment of Supreme Court judges. In Japan, Supreme Court judges are selected by the government and formally appointed by the Emperor (Supreme Court appointments must be approved every ten years by referendum).

The same goes for Europe. In Germany, Federal Constitutional Court judges are appointed by the legislative branch (the Bundestag and the Bundesrat). In France, the Conseil constitutionnel is composed of former Presidents of the Republic and of other members appointed by the executive and legislative branches, i.e. the president of the Republic, the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Speaker of the Senate. In Holland, Supreme Court judges are appointed by the government and by the Parliament. In Austria, members of the Constitutional Court are appointed by the government upon the Parliament’s recommendation. In Spain, most of the twelve members of the Constitutional Court are appointed by the legislative and executive branches: eight by the legislative, two by the executive, and two by a judicial council which is itself selected by the parliament. In Portugal, of the thirteen members of the Constitutional Court, ten are appointed by the parliament and three by a judicial council itself selected by the parliament.

Only in Britain, like in Israel, are justices and representatives from the Bar also involved in the appointment of Supreme Court judges (since the establishment of the court in 2009). But Britain’s Supreme Court does not repeal laws; it can only recommend to parliament the amendment of laws. In Israel, by contrast, the Supreme Court unilaterally granted itself the power to repeal laws.

The reform proposed by Likud (and vetoed by Moshe Kahlon, who himself had co-signed a 2007 Knesset bill which was intended to introduce some change in the appointment of Supreme Court judges) would have made Israel’s procedure more similar to Europe’s. There is, therefore, something intriguing and inexplicable in the fact that the EU expresses “concern” when Israel tries to adopt the European way of appointing Supreme Court judges.

 

Dr. Emmanuel Navon is the Chairman of the Political Science and Communication Department at the Jerusalem Orthodox College and a Senior Fellow at the Kohelet Policy Forum. He lectures on International Relations at Tel Aviv University and at the Herzliya Interdisciplinary Center. He is the author of several books including, most recently, The Victory of Zionism.

An Chipir

NextGenerationEU: Íocann an Coimisiún Eorpach € 157 milliún i réamh-mhaoiniú chun na Cipire

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D'eisigh an Coimisiún Eorpach € 157 milliún don Chipir i réamh-mhaoiniú, arb ionann é agus 13% de leithdháileadh airgeadais na tíre faoin tSaoráid Aisghabhála agus Athléimneachta (RRF). Cuideoidh an íocaíocht réamh-mhaoinithe le cur i bhfeidhm na mbeart ríthábhachtach infheistíochta agus athchóirithe a leagtar amach i bplean téarnaimh agus athléimneachta na Cipire a thosú. Údaróidh an Coimisiún eisíocaíochtaí breise bunaithe ar chur i bhfeidhm na n-infheistíochtaí agus na n-athchóirithe a leagtar amach i bplean téarnaimh agus athléimneachta na Cipire.

Tá sé beartaithe go bhfaighidh an tír € 1.2 billiún san iomlán thar shaolré a plean, agus soláthrófar € 1 billiún i ndeontais agus € 200m in iasachtaí. Tagann eisíocaíocht an lae inniu tar éis na chéad oibríochtaí iasachta faoi NextGenerationEU a chur i bhfeidhm go rathúil le déanaí. Faoi dheireadh na bliana, tá sé beartaithe ag an gCoimisiún suas le € 80bn san iomlán a chruinniú i maoiniú fadtéarmach, le comhlánú ag Billí gearrthéarmacha AE, chun na chéad eisíocaíochtaí pleanáilte a mhaoiniú do bhallstáit faoi NextGenerationEU. Mar chuid de NextGenerationEU, soláthróidh an RRF € 723.8bn (i bpraghsanna reatha) chun tacú le hinfheistíochtaí agus athchóirithe ar fud na mballstát.

Tá plean na Cipire mar chuid d’fhreagairt gan fasach an AE teacht chun cinn níos láidre ó ghéarchéim COVID-19, ag cothú na n-aistrithe glasa agus digiteacha agus ag neartú athléimneacht agus comhtháthaithe inár sochaithe. A. brúigh scaoileadh ar fáil ar líne.

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Belgium

Beartas Comhtháthaithe an AE: Faigheann an Bheilg, an Ghearmáin, an Spáinn agus an Iodáil € 373 milliún chun tacú le seirbhísí sláinte agus sóisialta, FBManna agus cuimsiú sóisialta

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Dheonaigh an Coimisiún € 373 milliún do chúig Ciste Sóisialta na hEorpa (CSE) agus Ciste Forbraíochta Réigiúnaí na hEorpa Cláir oibríochta (ERDF) sa Bheilg, sa Ghearmáin, sa Spáinn agus san Iodáil chun cabhrú leis na tíortha a bhfuil freagairt agus deisiú éigeandála coronavirus acu faoi chuimsiú na REACT-AE. Sa Bheilg, cuirfidh modhnú an Wallonia OP € 64.8m breise ar fáil chun trealamh míochaine a fháil le haghaidh seirbhísí sláinte agus nuálaíochta.

Tacóidh na cistí le gnóthais bheaga agus mheánmhéide (FBManna) chun ríomhthráchtáil, cibearshlándáil, láithreáin ghréasáin agus siopaí ar líne a fhorbairt, chomh maith leis an ngeilleagar glas réigiúnach trí éifeachtúlacht fuinnimh, cosaint an chomhshaoil, forbairt cathracha cliste agus ísealcharbóin bonneagair phoiblí. Sa Ghearmáin, i Stát Cónaidhme Hessen, tacóidh € 55.4m le bonneagar taighde a bhaineann le sláinte, cumas diagnóiseach agus nuálaíocht in ollscoileanna agus in institiúidí taighde eile chomh maith le hinfheistíochtaí taighde, forbartha agus nuálaíochta i réimsí na haeráide agus na forbartha inbhuanaithe. Cuirfidh an leasú seo tacaíocht ar fáil do FBManna agus do chistí do ghnólachtaí nuathionscanta trí chiste infheistíochta.

I Sachsen-Anhalt, éascóidh € 75.7m comhoibriú FBManna agus institiúidí i dtaighde, forbairt agus nuálaíocht, agus infheistíochtaí agus caipiteal oibre a sholáthar do mhicrifhiontair a dtéann an ghéarchéim coronavirus i bhfeidhm orthu. Thairis sin, ligfidh na cistí d’infheistíochtaí in éifeachtúlacht fuinnimh fiontar, tacóidh siad le nuálaíocht dhigiteach i FBManna agus trealamh digiteach a fháil do scoileanna agus d’institiúidí cultúrtha. San Iodáil, gheobhaidh an OP náisiúnta ‘Cuimsiú Sóisialta’ € 90m chun comhtháthú sóisialta daoine a bhfuil díothacht mór ábhair, easpa dídine nó imeallú mór orthu a chur chun cinn, trí sheirbhísí ‘Housing First’ a chomhcheanglaíonn soláthar tithíochta láithreach le seirbhísí sóisialta agus fostaíochta a chumasú. .

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Sa Spáinn, cuirfear € 87m leis an ESF OP do Castilla y León chun tacú le daoine féinfhostaithe agus oibrithe a raibh a gconarthaí curtha ar fionraí nó laghdaithe mar gheall ar an ngéarchéim. Cuideoidh an t-airgead le cuideachtaí crua freisin layoffs a sheachaint, go háirithe in earnáil na turasóireachta. Faoi dheireadh, teastaíonn na cistí chun ligean do sheirbhísí sóisialta riachtanacha leanúint ar aghaidh ar bhealach sábháilte agus leanúnachas oideachais a chinntiú ar fud na paindéime trí bhaill foirne breise a fhostú.

Tá REACT-EU mar chuid de NextGenerationEU agus soláthraíonn sé maoiniú breise € 50.6bn (i bpraghsanna reatha) do chláir bheartais Chomhtháthaithe le linn 2021 agus 2022. Díríonn bearta ar thacú le hathléimneacht mhargadh an tsaothair, poist, FBManna agus teaghlaigh ar ioncam íseal, chomh maith le bunsraitheanna a bheidh oiriúnach don todhchaí a leagan síos do na haistrithe glasa agus digiteacha agus téarnamh socheacnamaíoch inbhuanaithe.

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An Coimisiún Eorpach

NextGenerationEU: Íocann an Coimisiún Eorpach € 2.25 billiún i réamh-mhaoiniú chun na Gearmáine

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D'eisigh an Coimisiún Eorpach € 2.25 billiún don Ghearmáin i réamh-mhaoiniú, arb ionann é agus 9% de leithdháileadh airgeadais na tíre faoin tSaoráid Aisghabhála agus Athléimneachta (RRF). Freagraíonn sé seo don mhéid réamh-mhaoinithe a d’iarr an Ghearmáin ina plean téarnaimh agus athléimneachta. Cuideoidh an íocaíocht réamh-mhaoinithe le cur i bhfeidhm na mbeart ríthábhachtach infheistíochta agus athchóirithe a leagtar amach i bplean téarnaimh agus athléimneachta na Gearmáine a thosú. Údaróidh an Coimisiún eisíocaíochtaí breise bunaithe ar chur i bhfeidhm na n-infheistíochtaí agus na n-athchóirithe a leagtar amach i bplean téarnaimh agus athléimneachta na Gearmáine.

Tá sé beartaithe go bhfaighidh an tír € 25.6bn san iomlán, ina mbeidh deontais go hiomlán, thar shaolré a plean. Tagann an eisíocaíocht tar éis na chéad oibríochtaí iasachta faoi NextGenerationEU a chur i bhfeidhm go rathúil le déanaí. Faoi dheireadh na bliana, tá sé beartaithe ag an gCoimisiún suas le € 80bn san iomlán a chruinniú i maoiniú fadtéarmach, le comhlánú ag Billí gearrthéarmacha AE, chun na chéad eisíocaíochtaí pleanáilte a mhaoiniú do bhallstáit faoi NextGenerationEU. Mar chuid de NextGenerationEU, soláthróidh an RRF € 723.8bn (i bpraghsanna reatha) chun tacú le hinfheistíochtaí agus athchóirithe ar fud na mballstát. Tá plean na Gearmáine mar chuid d’fhreagairt gan fasach an AE teacht chun cinn níos láidre ó ghéarchéim COVID-19, ag cothú na n-aistrithe glasa agus digiteacha agus ag athléimneacht agus comhtháthú inár sochaithe a neartú. Tá preasráiteas iomlán ar fáil anseo.

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